When evil is called good and good evil.

Let’s pray for our country.

Partisan politics are destroying our country. Each person justifying their integrity through Word and not deed. We are now flying dangerously close to oblivion without a thought for its future or it’s children…

Definitely there must be a reason or a pressure which places the interests of self before their neighbour. A reason so real that does not allow the leaders to steal bread from their subjects.

We need to pray for the ANC, DA and EEF. Let’s pray that God brings conviction to our leaders. Let’s pray that those in position of leadership and authority will surrender to the fear of God.

Chowing the Money

Please dear government – instead of torturing and progressively bleeding the country dry of its assets, and mocking the country on the international platform. Why don’t you guys just clear its bank accounts and retire to Cuba or some socialistic state where your ideologies could be lived out.

Please dear government – instead of torturing and progressively bleeding the country dry of its assets, and mocking the country on the international platform. Why don’t you guys just clear its bank accounts and retire to Cuba or some socialistic state where your ideologies could be lived out.

Check to see how it works in reality than in theory. You see, the young are waiting for your entire generation to depart with its bitterness and anger, and love to see the pain revenged for what the Whites have done.

Love, unity and peace seems to be a foreign concept and that not of the culture in keeping of Baba Madiba. You lot are like ravenous wolves, you chow each other and you chow the rest of the country’s resources.

It’s clear that intelligence has a minority stakeholdership in your list of priorities for the love of money has consumed you. So expressing our issues wouldn’t matter for the poor has nothing to offer you except the vote… maybe they too would become smarter to see your game!

My name is Kerrie (22) – an eye opening and learning experience.

Today was an eye opening and learning experience, as I got to see how the other side lives and tried to also play my part instead of turning a blind eye. I went to Reiger Park not knowing what to expect, but we must remember that in life our expectations do not always turn out to be the reality.

Helping the penniless is often thought to be determined by the moral character of the potential help giver. ‘‘It’s a lack of faith that makes people afraid of meeting challenges, and I believed in myself.’’ Of course, I cannot take all the credit, with the help of some kind-hearted volunteers, we managed to pull strings in a very short period of time to help those in need.

Meals Prepared by the volunteers

Our pursuit to secure a sponsor from our local businesses to get food and packaging was a bump on the road moment. From each person having a different mindset on what product/quality they would like to buy for the project, with a limited budget was a hair pulling struggle but in the end – by God’s grace- we managed to get on the same page and focus on the real matter at hand, which was to feed the needy children.

Many kids grow up in poverty and the effects are saddening as it can last for the rest of their lives. The main effects of growing up in poverty may include poor health, high risk of teen pregnancy and lack of education which results in them making bad life decisions such as joining gangs and selling drugs.

One of many people in my community decided to act and join the cause to alleviate poverty in the youth. Mizanurrhman, a local grocery shop owner, was the hero of the day. He was more than willing to sacrifice profit over charity and was one of the reasons the feeding scheme in Reiger Park was a success, saying ‘‘I am so happy to join IVOTESA, thank God we’ve done a wonderful job. We continue and try to make a difference in the community. I will always try my best to support people in hunger especially children.’’ Mizanurrhman supplied us with bread when all odds seemed against us, he supplied us with an improbable discount and more food items that was not budgeted for.

Now this is what communities need more of. Mr Vincent, a local in Reiger Park, is another man we must shine our light on as he donated his container for us to be able to feed the children in even though he did not have much. No man is an island! More organisations for feeding the less well off are being formed in Reiger Park, so I ask you my Born Frees; what are you doing to alleviate poverty in your communities? What do you think the purpose of life is?

Shane Abrahams from IVOTESA is playing his part by providing skills and creating jobs. Shane gave the community of Reiger Park hope by showing people how to make soaps and forming businesses, which is a step in the right direction.

Shane Abrahams teaching the community to make soaps

The cycle of poverty begins when a child is born into a poor family, these families often have limited or no resources at all to create opportunities to advance themselves, leaving them stuck in the poverty trap. We need to count our blessings every day and be grateful for the littlest of things we have in life.

Today was an eye opening and learning experience, as I got to see how the other side lives and tried to also play my part instead of turning a blind eye. I went to Reiger Park not knowing what to expect, but we must remember that in life our expectations do not always turn out to be the reality. We do not know whether the food we gave out today could have been someone’s last meal. When we do it in love, when we give and do not receive, it is okay because someone is blessed regardless., this is what I learnt from IVOTESA. I look forward to more projects like these and bigger, remember one man can’t change the world.

Working as a team

‘’One of the worst enemies that sets the platform for developing a poverty mindset is your background. Where you come from, the mindset of the people you deal with, what you know, and your experiences can set the tone that can cause you to believe that you are born to be poor. You can only get out of that dungeon of a mindset by revolutionizing the way you think.’’-Oscar Bimpong

Alexandra my Alexandra!

If anyone watched the documentary, Alexandra my Alexandra they would come to appreciate the history and significance of this township and the need to protect it.

If anyone watched the documentary, “Alexandra my Alexandra” they would come to appreciate the history and significance of this township and the need to protect it.

The protection of its reputation and forward thinking of its founders. However we see today is the decay of derelict buildings and informal shacks.

Sewage spills on the street, goats left to graze among the rubbish and children playing with the running water along the gutters.

Racial disparities in school discipline?

These analyses have consistently found that race remains a significant predictor of Black over-representation in suspension even after holding poverty constant; that is, while African American students in poverty are more likely to be suspended than poor White students, middle and upper class Black students are also more likely to be suspended than their peers at the same demographic level.

Poor students are disciplined more frequently. Studies have found that low-income students are consistently over-represented in the use of out-of-school suspension. A variety of variables typically associated with poverty, including presence of mother or father in the home, number of siblings, and quality of home resources, are significantly associated with the likelihood of suspension.

It is not entirely clear however, that this relationship is due to students from poverty backgrounds engaging in more disruption: Reviews of the literature have shown that, while poverty does correlate with increases in disruption or behavioural disorders, those relationships tend to be small.

Even if poverty did have an impact on rates of suspension and expulsion, that does not necessarily mean it would have an impact on racial and ethnic disparities in discipline. Whether racial disparities in school disciplineacial disparities in school discipline are due entirely to poverty status can be tested statistically through multivariate statistical analyses.

These analyses have consistently found that race remains a significant predictor of Black over-representation in suspension even after holding poverty constant; that is, while African American students in poverty are more likely to be suspended than poor White students, middle and upper class Black students are also more likely to be suspended than their peers at the same demographic level. Finding that urban schools consistently suspended a higher proportion of Black students out-of-school even after controlling for poverty.

In the UK: Black Caribbean boys are around six times more likely to be permanently excluded from UK schools than white boys, according to Department for Education and Employment Statistics. While there has been a lot of media interest in soaring school exclusion rates in England and Wales, the statistic no longer appears to shock. Yet for black Caribbean families it amounts to a crisis in the education of their children. With an estimated 10,000 – 14,000 permanent exclusions during 1995-96, schools are dumping the population of a small town each year. This suggests bad practice and possible unlawful discrimination in managing behaviour in schools. Exclusion from school often means the denial of the child’s right to education; once excluded a pupil has only a 15% chance of returning to mainstream schooling.

The cross-cultural validity of child disorders may vary drastically depending on the disorder, but empirical evidence that attests for the cross-cultural validity of diagnostic criteria for each child disorder is lacking. There is a need for studies that investigate the extent to which gene–environment interactions are related to specific disorders across cultures. Clinicians are urged to consider culture and context in determining the way in which children’s psychopathology may be manifested independent of their views.

 

 

 

 


sources:
Audrey Osler. 'School exclusions: a denial of the right to education', Human Rights Education Newsletter, No 18, Autumn 1997.Brantlinger, E. (1991). Social class distinctions in adolescents’ reports of problems and punishment in school. Behavioral Disorders, 17, 36-46; Noltemeyer, A., & Mcloughlin, C. S. (2010). Patterns of exclusionary discipline by school typology, ethnicity, and their interactions. Perspectives on Urban Education, 7, 27-40; Skiba, R. J., Peterson, R. L., & Williams, T. (1997). Office referrals and suspension: Disciplinary intervention in middle schools. Education and Treatment of Children, 20, 295-316; Wu, S. C., Pink, W. T., Crain, R. L., & Moles, O. (1982). Student suspension: A critical reappraisal. The Urban Review, 14, 245-303. 6 Hinojosa, M. S. (2008). Black-white differences in school suspensions: Effect on student beliefs about teachers. Sociological Spectrum, 28, 175-193.Letourneau, N. L., Duffett-Leger, L., Levac, L., Watson, B., & Young-Morris, C. (2013). Socioeconomic status and child development: A meta-analysis. Journal of Emotional and Behavioral Disorders, 21, 211-224.http://www.indiana.edu/~atlantic/wp-content/uploads/2014/03/African-American-Differential-Behavior_031214.pdfaccessed24/08/16(Picture)quotesgram accessed 24/08/16- Dimitrina Petrova, Denial of Racism

Land redistribution as a poverty alleviation strategy

Redistribution is one version of land and agrarian reform, but it has not been the most common historically. Many of the major land reforms of the world have been of the ‘land to the tiller’ variety, affecting one dimension of agrarian structure – the ownership of property – but leaving others relatively intact, as former tenants or peasants end up cultivating the same, or somewhat expanded, plots as before.

At a very general level, land reform, like most politico-economic policies, can be said to be driven by considerations of either efficiency or equity, and sometimes both.

Efficiency-biased arguments for land reform are typically driven by notions of economic transformation and are associated politically with well-established regimes whose aspirations go beyond the agrarian sector – this typically implies taking on’ landowners or producers in the agricultural sector, be they feudalistic landlords or peasants: Prussia and Ireland in the nineteenth century come to mind, as do the communist examples of China and the Soviet Union in the twentieth, and the capitalist cases of Taiwan and South Korea.

Efficiency arguments are rarely concerned with equity within the agrarian economy, as their promoters typically have their sights on broader objectives, e.g. extracting food and value for the urban-industrial economy or enhancing the power of the state.

Redistribution is one version of land and agrarian reform, but it has not been the most common historically. Many of the major land reforms of the world have been of the ‘land to the tiller’ variety, affecting one dimension of agrarian structure – the ownership of property – but leaving others relatively intact, as former tenants or peasants end up cultivating the same, or somewhat expanded, plots as before. What has changed is the relationship of the producers to the land and to other classes, with enhanced opportunities for accumulation.

Only in very exceptional cases – such as parts of eastern Europe in the wake of the First World War, and Spain during the civil war – have large productive farms been turned into worker or peasant collectives with little or no involvement by the state, and these have rarely lasted for long after the exceptional conditions that brought them about have passed.

This has since occurred to some extent in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, but usually in the form of ‘accumulation from above’, making it quite different from most historical land reforms in the absence of any claims to equality or poverty alleviation. Lack of clarity around the aims of land reform and a lack of reliable information about its performance, make it particularly difficult to evaluate.

This, in turn, can be traced back to contradictions at the heart of land reform policy in South Africa – that extends to the relationship, if any, to poverty alleviation.

 

 

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source:Griffin, K. 1974. The political economy of agrarian change. London: Macmillan.REDISTRIBUTIVE LAND REFORM AND POVERTY REDUCTION IN SOUTH AFRICA byEdwardlahiffinhttp://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/PDF/ESRC_DFID/60332_Lahiff_Redistributive.pdf

Redistribution – of assets and other forms of wealth p2

he main potential to reduce rural poverty and inequity lies in the development of overall frameworks providing social security, education and training as well as health care, and in developing adequate infrastructures in rural areas.

In a review of poverty and policy in South Africa in the first ten years of democracy, Bhorat and Kanpur (2006: 12-13) identify five main trends, which are largely hostile to the poor, albeit with some ameliorative effects:An increase in both absolute and relative income poverty.

An increase in both absolute and relative income poverty

An increase in income inequality

Increased unemployment rates (as growth in the labour force outstrips growth in employment)

A large fiscal resource shift that has engendered wider access to assets and basic services for poor households

‘Tepid’ economic growth rates, which have failed to keep pace with population growth.

“The first ten years have seen rising unemployment, rising income poverty and rising income inequality, all in the context of a lack lustre performance in economic growth” (Bhorat and Kanpur 2006: 1).

Policies to increase participation in the rural economy and diversify incomes are key to addressing rural poverty. Rural poverty in South Africa appears to differ from other countries in three ways:

  1. among the rural poor, income generated directly from agricultural activities and food consumed from own farm production are minor components of household resources (estimated at 10% to 20% of the total);
  2. many households continuously rotate between rural and urban base;
  3. and rural society is closely linked to the social and health problems of urban
    areas.

 The main potential to reduce rural poverty and inequity lies in the development of overall frameworks providing social security, education and training as well as health care, and in developing adequate infrastructures in rural areas. There is a need to examine how recent and ongoing sectoral and economy-wide policies contribute to poverty reduction by integrating poor population in broader economic activities.
OECD 2006: 25

Redistributionof assets and other forms of wealth – has been a prominent feature of the economic and political debate in South Africa both before and after 1994, captured in the competing slogans of ‘growth through redistribution’ and ‘redistribution through growth’. Redistribution was at the heart of the 1955 Freedom Charter, described by Seekings and Nattrass (2005) as the closest the ANC had to an economic policy prior to 1990, and the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), which was effectively the manifesto on which the ANC came to power in 1994 (ANC 1994).

Debates about the relationship between redistribution and growth, and the means by which redistribution should be brought about, have not abated, despite the ANC’s decisive turn in favour of growth (now seen as a precondition for redistribution) from around 1996 (Marais 1998). Nonetheless, important forms of redistribution have occurred. Notable amongst these are significant increase in government spending on infrastructure, welfare and social services aimed at the poorest sections of the population, significant increases in earnings for those in formal employment, and opening up of opportunities for share-holding and business opportunities in the corporate world for previously disadvantaged people through the BEE programme. While this has led to a substantial de- racialisation of the upper and middle socio-economic classes, it has had remarkably little impact on overall income inequality or poverty.

Redistribution of assets – notably land – has a special place within the discourse on redistribution, both in South Africa and internationally. Land redistribution (including the associated processes of restitution and tenure reform) has been an important component of policy since 1994 and features prominently in the 1996 Constitution. Yet, an explicit link between land reform and poverty is difficult to find in official policy pronouncements, especially since the change from the Mandela to the Mbeki presidency in 1999.

The arguments for land reform in South Africa have been dominated since the outset by a discourse of restorative justice which seeks to return land to its previous owners and redress racial imbalance in landholding, with relatively little attention to the economic dimensions of land use, in general, and the links between land reform and poverty alleviation (or economic growth) in particular.

It is important to consider the theoretical arguments for land reform and the ways in which redistribution is linked to poverty alleviation, both in South Africa and internationally.

 

 

Source:Bhorat, H. and Kanbur, R. 2006. ‘Poverty and well-being in post-apartheid South Africa’, in Haroon, and Kanbur, R. (eds), Poverty and Policy in Post Apartheid South Africa. Cape Town,: HSRC Press.2.Seekings, J. and Nattrass, N. 2005. Class, Race, And Inequality In South Africa. Yale University Press.3.Marais, H. 1998. Limits to Change: The Political Economy of Transformation. London and New York: Zed Press.4.http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/PDF/Outputs/ESRC_DFID/60332_Lahiff_Redistributive.

The Poor Households have not shared in the benefits of Economic Growth in SA

The connection between state economic policy and the perpetuation of poverty and inequality is no accident, but a direct and foreseeable consequence of particular policy choices that have privileged the more ‘advanced’ components of the economy at the expense of the mass of the poor.

The poverty gap has grown faster than the economy indicating that poor households have not shared in the benefits of economic growth. In 1996 the total poverty gap [the required annual income transfer to bring all households out of poverty] was equivalent to 6.7% of gross domestic product (GDP); by 2001 it had risen to 8.3%.

This rise in inequality is captured in South Africa’s Gini coefficient for income, which rose from 0.69 in 1996 to 0.77 in 2001, with the greatest degree of inequality being found within the black (African) population group: ‘the overall driver of income inequality in post-Apartheid South Africa continues to be the rising inequality amongst African households’ (HSRC 2004).

Poverty is closely correlated with race and gender and is concentrated in rural areas. Limpopo and the Eastern Cape provinces have the highest proportion of poor people, with 77% and 72% of their populations living below the poverty income line, respectively, in 2001. The Western Cape has the lowest proportion in poverty, at 32% of the population, followed by Gauteng, at 42% (HSRC 2004). Bhorat and Kanbur (2006: 4) point out, however, that while there are higher rates of poverty in rural than in urban areas, the proportion of the total poor who reside in rural areas is declining, from 62% in 1996 to 56% in 2001: “This suggests a rapid process of urban migration that could in the future reshape the spatial nature of poverty in South Africa’.

Female-headed households also tend to be disproportionately poor, which Woolard and Leibbrandt (1999) attribute to a combination of factors: ‘female-headed households are more likely to be in the rural areas where poverty is concentrated, female-headed households tend to have fewer adults of working age, female unemployment rates are higher and the wage gap between male and female earnings persists’. Aliber (2001: 29) reports that, in 1999, 42% of all African households (i.e. 2.7 million) were female-headed, and that roughly 28% of these households were ‘chronically poor’.

While South Africa is often praised for its economic turnaround in the years since apartheid, and positive macroeconomic performance – as indicated by growth in GDP5, modest inflation, a falling proportion of GDP in taxation, falling budget deficit etc. – poverty, inequality and unemployment remain stubbornly impervious to policy prescriptions.

The connection between state economic policy and the perpetuation of poverty and inequality is no accident, but a direct and foreseeable consequence of particular policy choices that have privileged the more ‘advanced’ components of the economy at the expense of the mass of the poor. Terreblanche (2003: 422) describes this duality as ‘enclave capitalism’, a relatively new politico economic order that differs from the colonial and apartheid era in that it is no longer based on systematic exploitation of the black population, but rather on ‘systematic exclusion and systematic neglect’.

 

 
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 source:
 Terreblanche, S. 2003. A History of Inequality in South Africa 1652-2002. Scottsville: University of Natal Press.2)HSRC (Human Sciences Research Council), 2003. Land redistribution for agricultural Development: Case studies in three provinces. Unpublished report. Integrated Rural and Regional Development division, HSRC, Pretoria. October 2003.3)Aliber, M. and Mokoena, R. 2003. ‘The Land Question in contemporary South Africa’ in John Daniel, Adam Habib and Roger Southall (eds) State of the Nation. South Africa 2003 – 2004. Cape Town: HSRC Press.4)Woolard, I. and Leibbrandt, M. 1999. Measuring Poverty in South Africa. Development Policy Research Unit University of Cape Town. DPRU Working Papers No 99/33.5)http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/PDF/Outputs/ESRC_DFID/60332_Lahiff_Redistributive.pdf

South Africa is an upper-middle-income country

South Africa is an upper-middle-income country. Despite this relative wealth, the experience of the majority of South African households is either one of outright poverty, or of continued vulnerability to becoming poor. The distribution of income and wealth in South Africa may be the most unequal in the world.

While various positions are advanced, there is broad agreement that poverty exists on a vast scale, that it is closely correlated with race and that, by many indicators, the situation has deteriorated since the transition to democracy.

South Africa is an upper-middle income country. Despite this relative wealth, the experience of the majority of South African households is either one of outright poverty,or of continued vulnerability to becoming poor. The distribution of income and wealth in South Africa may be the most unequal in the world.

According to the HSRC (2004) the proportion of people living in poverty in South Africa in 2001 was 57%, unchanged from 1996, but that the extent of poverty (i.e. how far people are below the poverty income line) grew over this period:

The poverty gap has grown faster than the economy indicating that poor households have not shared in the benefits of economic growth. In 1996 the total poverty gap [the required annual income transfer to bring all households out of poverty] was equivalent to 6.7% of gross domestic product (GDP); by 2001 it had risen to 8.3%.



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source:http://r4d.dfid.gov.uk/PDF/Outputs/ESRC_DFID/60332_Lahiff_Redistributive.pdf in the article REDISTRIBUTIVE LAND REFORM AND POVERTY REDUCTION IN SOUTH AFRICA-Edward Lahiff